EU-sponsored conference on "Prevention and Insurance of Natural Catastrophes": a call for increasing public-private partnership

Co-authored by Nora Wouters and Nicolas Croquet

The European Commission organized on 18 October 2011 a conference in Brussels titled “Prevention and Insurance of Natural Catastrophes”. The conference gathered EU officials, a member of the World Bank, representatives of think tanks and of insurance associations, and finally academics. The conference centered around four themes, namely the general framework for approaching the prevention and insurability of natural catastrophes, ‘insurance availability’, ‘public-private interaction’, and finally ‘natural catastrophes and insurance value chain’. Focus here will be on the third theme. In particular, emphasis will be put on the way in which the EU does and can contribute to promoting and fostering public-private partnership (‘PPP’) in the prevention and insurability of natural catastrophes.

This conference has been a good opportunity to unfold the problems raised by insufficient coordination between the EU institutions and the Member States regarding risk identification and risk assessment, prevention policy as well as civilian intervention and public authorities’ intervention in the treatment of natural catastrophes. There is a spectrum between free market-oriented insurance schemes (e.g., UK and Germany) and solidarity-oriented insurance schemes (e.g., Switzerland and France). There is room for improving the trade-off between these two poles. The conference speakers pointed to an array of ways in which public authorities and insurance companies can join their efforts in developing a comprehensive prevention and insurance policy in the face of such devastating natural catastrophes as tsunamis and earthquakes whilst allowing insurance companies to distinguish themselves on the basis of free market rules. The State can provide tax incentives or direct grants to incentivize the insurance sector in covering large scale natural disasters. It can also act as a re-insurer or as a major shareholder in private insurance companies specialized in natural catastrophes. It can furthermore conclude partnership agreements with insurance companies whereby it agrees to provide a solvency guarantee vis-à-vis their creditors. A common EU-wide framework for the profession of experts in claim evaluation and settlement would also be highly advisable given their crucial role in processing reimbursement claims in the event of natural catastrophes. The EU institutions, Member States’ public authorities and the private insurance sector all need to be able to use reliable statistical data when assessing risk probability associated with natural catastrophes, hence the appropriateness of Commissioner Barnier’s initiative on “statistical mapping”, which would reflect the best statistical practices on risk coverage.

As a matter of general consideration, Emanuela Bellan (Head of Unit, Crisis Management Unit of the Secretariat General, European Commission) conveyed to us that EU’s intervention is the result of a balancing between subsidiarity and solidarity. In the phase preceding a natural disaster, the EU stresses prevention and preparedness whereas in the period postdating a disaster, the EU addresses possible responses and recoveries. EU’s action is always coordinated between its institutions and Member States, in cooperation with relevant partners such as international organizations, NGOS and third countries. She referred to the following as useful tools available at the EU level: the Council conclusions dated 8 and 9 November 2010 on innovative solutions for financing disaster prevention[1], the Cohesion policy funds available to support project[2]; and the Solidarity fund.[3]

Gabriel Bernadino (Chairperson, EIOPA) stressed the fact that data are important in order to increase risk awareness and protect consumers. Based on the EC Joint Research Center’s Report of 18 October 2011, it appears that risks are heterogeneous among EU Member States: national catastrophic insurance markets would not seem to be coping with the same risk in all EU Member States. A dedicated insurance market would be developed for some perils but not for all (e.g., storm). There would be mixed results on how ex-post government intervention is going to influence penetration rates.[4]  

Reinhard Mechler (International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis) referred to the Economic Instrument Adaptation Study of DG CLIMA, which calls for more insurance and economic instruments.[5] Insurance companies have a role to play in the development of risk finance instruments. If the risk is priced correctly, more insurance contracts will be taken out, and incentives to avoid risk will be stimulated. The importance of PPPs is highlighted as a joint task for risk reduction in this respect as well as the availability of accurate risk data. A functional insurance market has to account for effectiveness (financial adaptation and incentive adaptation), solidarity, and applicability.

Kristalina Georgieva (Commissioner in charge of International Cooperation, Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Response) claimed that Europe is the continent most vulnerable to natural disasters due to its high concentration of population on a small territorial surface. For the Commissioner, the role of the insurance sector in respect of natural disasters is important for three main reasons: (i) its expertise in risk analysis; (ii) its role as a new pillar for financing reconstruction after a natural crisis (public budgets alone cannot handle major disasters, as shown in the case of Japan); and (iii) its market-based instruments sending the right signals to businesses and individuals with a view to promoting risk awareness. The Commissioner here urged for more research-oriented investments in Europe and, generally speaking, more cooperation mechanisms between public authorities and the insurance sector.

Professor Pierre Picard (Ecole Polytechnique, Palaiseau) stressed the large variety of national disaster regimes prevailing in Europe. Whilst countries like Germany and the UK mainly rely on private market natural disaster insurance schemes (i.e., schemes based on actuarial risked-based premiums), other countries like France and Switzerland place more emphasis on solidarity mechanisms (i.e., regulated insurance pricing characterized by a flat rate). He compared the flood insurance system in the US (NFIP) with the one in France. In both jurisdictions, he noted the important role of local authorities (perceived as essential actors in the prevention of natural disasters). Additionally, both jurisdictions would rely on a solvency guarantee provided by the Government. Professor Picard argued that the trade-off between solidarity and free market could be ameliorated, amongst other methods, by having Governments prioritize subsidies, by allowing for tax cuts on property insurance in the low risk areas and by strengthening local authorities’ involvement. He expressed his preference for direct grants as a way of best targeting solidarity. He concluded by saying that providing insurers with incentives was crucial, which could be achieved through tranches of private reinsurance or catastrophe bonds or through Government solvent guarantee for exceptional events.

Eugene N. Gurenko(World Bank) observed that Southern Europe (in particular Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain) was most vulnerable to earthquakes of a magnitude equal or superior to 3.0. Earthquakes are the worst natural disasters in terms of economic losses and number of victims. According to Eugene Gurenko, there are three main ways of improving efficiency in the delivery of catastrophe insurance coverage: (i) effective consumer education; (ii) review and harmonize Government’s post-disaster assistance policies across the EU; and (iii) catastrophe insurance product standardization across the EU, e.g. same terms and conditions.

Michel Barnier (Commissioner in charge of the Internal Market and Services) identified three poles in the PPP, namely prevention, education and reliability of statistical tools. Prevention is an important pole and has to involve local authorities, civil society and insurance companies. The European Structural Funds ought to be available to regions ready to subsidize prevention initiatives. Education regarding risk culture is another important pole: there needs to be a ‘financial education’. Michel Barnier clarified that response to risks provoked by natural disasters could not just emanate from the State. As for statistical tools, in order to produce good legislation, it is important to be able to rely on solid statistics. The Commissioner described EU’s possible added value in the form of a “Force Européenne de Protection Civile” (European Civil Protection Body) that would convene Member States’ and NGOs’ experts with a view to identifying different types of catastrophes (e.g., earthquakes and tsunami, nuclear and industrial accidents, and terrorism) and to making communitarian the national intervention units.[6] The latter, if made truly European, would become less expensive to operate and be in a position to react more efficiently in the face of a natural catastrophe. He described three possible prospects for the Internal Market Directorate to address the question of the relation between the insurance sector and natural catastrophes. First, the profession of expert in claim evaluation and settlement need be recognized at the EU level, thereby making the adoption of a common professional framework necessary. Second, there need be an information obligation (at the pre-contractual level) governing non-life insurance policies such as natural disaster insurance schemes, especially given that insurance contracts get increasingly sophisticated and technical. Third, he underlined the impact of the ‘Solvency II’ Framework Directive[7] upon the insurance sector, which would be supplemented by an ‘Omnibus II’ Directive.[8] Commissioner Barnier also announced that a public consultation procedure would be launched on the basis of a Green Book. It would seek stakeholders’ comments on the role of insurance in natural catastrophes.

As a word of conclusion, it may be worth briefly elaborating upon Michel Barnier’s letter of 1 June 2011 addressed to the European Insurance Industry. In this letter, the Commissioner wrote that the EU insurance law regime before Solvency II was not risk-based and needed to be adapted to the insurers’ current management practices.[9] Solvency II, once transposed into all EU Member States’ national laws, would compel insurance companies to maintain a capital that is in reasonable proportion with the nature of their business risks. In that respect, the Directive introduces a distinction between Minimum Capital Requirement (‘MCR’) and Minimum Solvency Requirement (‘MSR’). Whilst the MCR is calculated on the basis of absolute floors as tempered by a number of variables, the MSR is calculated by reference to a risk-based approach that builds upon a full or a partial internal model (to be approved by the supervisory authorities).[10] The MCR will have to be between 25% and 45% the amount of the MSR.[11] The level of supervisory intervention over insurance companies will vary depending on whether the capital falls below the MCR or the MSR, although in both cases the insurance company has to inform the supervisory authority about its financial situation.[12] If the company’s capital went below the MSR level, the supervisory authority would have to approve a recovery plan submitted by the insurance company. In the event the company’s capital went below the MCR, the level of supervisory intervention would be higher: the supervisory authority would have to approve a short-term realistic finance scheme, and have the power to freeze the company’s assets and even to withdraw its authorization if its finance scheme were ‘manifestly inadequate’.[13] Member States have until 31 October 2012 to transpose this framework Directive, which is expected to ameliorate consumer protection, reinforce EU insurance companies’ international competitiveness and update the insurance supervision legal framework.[14] This Directive should make the insurance sector more apt to address risks of large scale natural catastrophes.    



[4] Penetration rate X = Insurance Losses (IL)
                                           Total Losses (TL)

[7]Directive 2009/138/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 November 2009 on the taking-up and pursuit of the business of Insurance and Reinsurance (Solvency II), 2009 OJ L 335/1, available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2009:335:0001:0155:EN:PDF The Solvency II Directive is designed to make the insurance industry more competitive by making Pillar I capital requirements for insurers even more risk-based, and by modernizing Pillar II requirements for qualitative risk management and Pillar III requirements for reporting by insurers.

[8] The Commission adopted a Proposal for an ‘Omnibus II’ Directive on 19 January 2011. This Proposal is meant to reinforce public supervision over the insurance sector, amongst others, through the creation of a European System of Financial Supervisors (i.e., a group of national supervision bodies that would work in cooperation with the existing European Supervisory Authorities). More information on the likely impact of Omnibus II can be found at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:C:2011:218:0082:0086:EN:PDF

[10]Articles 112 and 129 ofDirective 2009/138/EC.

[11]Articles 129(3) ofDirective 2009/138/EC.

[12]Article 138 ofDirective 2009/138/EC.

[13]Article 139 ofDirective 2009/138/EC.

 

 

 

International Adaptation Assistance - the Dark Side of the Climate Debate

We have shared views in an earlier blog on climate adaptation, but recent discussion of responsibility for the overall global impacts of climate change leads us to return to the subject. For some time it has been clear that great care needs to be taken in how greenhouse gas reduction responsibilities are assigned to developing nations. They do not want to be denied the blessings of development in order to counter global warming created by the economies of the developed world over the past decades.

Now, a second major issue has surfaced. The developing world is going to need adaptation assistance – upwards of an initial $100 billion – as it experiences actual injuries from the changing climate. The issue is kicking up a lot of sand recently.


 

 

The impacts of an altered climate – coastal erosion and inundation, health effects, drought, and extreme weather events – are expected to be more severe in developing countries. The choice of means to provide climate adaptation assistance to developing countries is fraught with the greatest policy ramifications. Should aid be provided through technical expertise, direct grants, loans, or combinations of these?

As members of the community of nations, wealthier countries historically have had no problem stepping forward to help correct global disparities in economic development, public health, and human rights protection. But to be told that their greenhouse emissions have caused massive harms for which billions in reparations are now due causes many developed nations to question how to proceed. Yet, the debate over direct aid grants vs. adaptation loans has now taken on precisely this dimension. International reparations payments for aggression and injustice have a long and tangled history.

If adaptation assistance is provided to right past wrongs, then some may argue that a developed nation's generous adaptation assistance can be taken as an admission of wrongdoing, a basis for civil liability. The same facts, the same analyses, stand behind both the climate-justice rationale for legislative aid to counter climate impacts (S. 3036 SEC. 4801-4804) as underpin the several suits now making their way through the courts seeking damages for “climate torts.”

If loans are provided instead of direct grants, does this evade the difficulty? Perhaps, but the concept of loans to be paid off with interest does not sit well with advocates for adaptation and “climate resiliency” aid to the developing world. The UK has offered $1.56 billion to be incorporated in a World Bank adaptation fund, but the UK has indicated that the fund is for loans, not grants. Advocates say debt-stressed developing nations should not be loaned, but given, the aid that is owed for the damage greenhouse emissions have caused over time.

Also, advocates are questioning the pivotal role the World Bank group is angling to play in deciding where and how any funds are to be invested. They want a role in deciding how the pie will be sliced, not unlike stakeholders in the US debate over the revenues from cap-and-trade want a say in any federal revenues will be distributed.

 

Where does this issue stand in the US today? Because the US is not a Kyoto signatory and has not offered funds, the adaptation debate in the US is just beginning. Each of the concerns addressed above will figure into the US's legislative debate in the coming months. What is almost certain is that some of the huge revenues of the Lieberman-Warner bill's cap-and-trade provisions will be earmarked for adaptation assistance. Other legislative proposals are also in the wings. Watch this space.

Global Climate Change Under NEPA

Increasingly, the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) is being seen as a vehicle for ensuring that the federal government considers the impact of its actions on global climate change. Relying on a string of judicial decisions that require agency NEPA impact statements specifically to address the climate consequences of agency actions, environmental organizations have petitioned the President’s Council on Environmental Quality to conform its NEPA guidelines to the requirements of these cases. Climate will clearly figure prominently in future federal impact statements, and non-federal stakeholders, who often are the real parties in interest in NEPA compliance, would be wise to address climate early and often when developing their NEPA compliance strategies.  [summary]


Increasingly, the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) is being seen as a vehicle for ensuring that the federal government considers the impact of its actions on global climate change. Enacted in 1969, NEPA requires federal agencies to prepare environment impact statements for all “major federal actions significantly affecting the quality of the human environment.”  Agencies must assess all reasonably foreseeable environmental impacts of a proposed action, including an analysis of direct, indirect, and cumulative effects. 

Recently, several NGOs petitioned the White House Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) to amend its regulations to make clear that NEPA requires that climate change effects be addressed in NEPA compliance documents. The US groups and their allies abroad see the use of NEPA to raise “climate consciousness” and force federal agencies to take climate into account as part of a wider effort to use both the NEPA-like impact assessment law of almost ninety other countries, and the extensive environmental impact assessment requirements of the World Bank Group, to raise climate concerns. 

The petition argues that scientific evidence supports the conclusion that climate change results from the build-up of greenhouse gases released into the atmosphere by human activity. Thus climate change is “reasonably foreseeable” within the meaning of NEPA and should be evaluated by agencies when considering the environmental impacts of their actions. The petition relies upon several federal court cases where NGOs have challenged agency failures to consider climate change impacts in a variety of contexts, ranging from the impacts of a proposed project’s greenhouse gas emissions (i.e., federal permit for power plant transmission lines) to climate change impacts on resources also affected by a proposed project (i.e., incidental taking of polar bears and walruses). Courts have not been reluctant to find agency NEPA compliance deficient because climate impacts were not considered.

Yet under NEPA, the courts and the CEQ, should it decide to amend its regulations, can do no more than mandate federal agencies to expand their disclosure of the potential climate impacts of approvals and projects, however indirect and remote they may be. Unlike other environmental statutes, NEPA neither contains particular criteria nor mandates particular results. It is well settled that NEPA is only a “full disclosure law.” In reality, however, energy, transportation, manufacturing, forest, and agricultural projects may be quite vulnerable to delays associated with agency NEPA compliance or an injunction requiring the federal agency to expand its NEPA analysis to cover potential climate impacts. Faced with an adverse court ruling, the decision to proceed with a project may be revisited by one or more agencies, the corporation or its partners, or financial backers.

These realities might be overcome were the real parties in interest – the private companies that rely on federal approvals or funding to go forward – in a position to manage NEPA compliance toward a prompt and successful conclusion. They are not. NEPA climate suits can be brought only against federal agencies, which may not defend the actions with the same zeal as the real parties in interest, or necessarily the same points of view. Industry, therefore, must seek to intervene as defendants, but even if successful will not occupy “first chair” in the litigation. A successful, close working relationship with attorneys in the defendant agency and Department of Justice is not assured. In the end, the fate in court of a federally funded project or federal approval may lie substantially in the hands of government lawyers. Add in the vagaries of the relatively new area of climate change, and companies might well be apprehensive about outcomes before federal agencies and courts.

The problem penetrates even deeper. With growing consciousness of the campaign to bring NEPA cases against federal projects and programs, federal agencies will beef up – and inevitably stretch out – their efforts to comply with NEPA. EAs will become EISes; cumulative impacts analyses will expand in complexity and length. Strategies are available to manage NEPA compliance, e.g., multi-party multi-agency memoranda of understanding on the scope and schedule of NEPA compliance, but few federal incentives exist to chart a definite – much less prompt – course to final NEPA compliance. Again, the real parties in interest will experience project uncertainty, delay, and expense.

Food vs. Fuel and Impacts on Climate Change: Biofuels Under Siege

Concern about world food prices and shortages is causing law makers in both the EU and the US to consider either a moratorium or a cutback in biofuels production. In particular, ethanol produced from corn is being blamed as a significant contributor to the world food crisis.  [summary]


International concerns over world food prices and shortages has recently triggered a major fuel-or-fuel debate. A UN official said recently that massive production of biofuels is “a crime against humanity” because of its impact on global food prices. In its April 7 cover story, Time Magazine, blasted the impact increased biofuels consumption may have on climate.  While US Department of Agriculture economists point to a large array of factors contributing to the current constriction in basic food commodities like corn, wheat, and rice, citing regional drought, larger population demand, and increased cost of production because of rising fossil fuel costs, the attention biofuels has attracted means a rough passage for biofuels and may portend badly for their future use.

The Time Magazine article indicts biofuels for “dramatically accelerating global warming” because of clearing of tropical rain forests for cropland for sugarcane, soybeans, or other fuel crops. The article says the US’s increased production of corn for ethanol has caused farmers to plant fewer acres of soybeans. This, in turn, has caused the world-wide commodity price of soybeans to increase, “spurring a dramatic expansion of Brazilian agriculture, which is invading the Amazon at an increasingly alarming rate.” According to Time, deforestation accounts for 20 percent of all current carbon emissions. A Rhode Island-sized area of Brazil was deforested in 2007 alone.

What is most interesting is the intensity of the reaction of UN entities. Concern for food supply has led to what some feel is an overreaction to the role biofuels production may play, as compared to drought, cultivation and transportation costs, and demand. The UN’s Special Rapporteur for the Right to Food Jean Ziegler has warned that the world is headed “towards a very long period of riots” and conflict stemming from food shortages and price increases. He went on to say that in recent months, rising food costs have sparked violent protests in Cameroon, Egypt, Ethiopia, Haiti, Indonesia, the Ivory Coast, Madagascar, and Mauritania.  In Pakistan and Thailand, army troops were deployed to prevent seizure of food from fields and warehouses, while price increases led to a general strike in Burkina Faso. Ziegler called on the International Monetary Fund to change its policies on agricultural subsidies and to stop supporting programs aimed exclusively at debt reduction. He went on to say that “international market speculation on food commodities must cease.”

While Mr. Ziegler’s views may represent an extreme in the current food debate, both he and Time Magazine raise (and at the very least exemplify) issues about biofuels development that must be addressed in the coming months if the promising role biofuels may play in addressing climate, security, and oil dependence is to be realized.

The first is question of whether US biofuels production is causing world food prices to rise dramatically. World Bank President Robert Zoellick seems to thinks so. At a news conference on April 11, he said that demand for ethanol and other biofuels is a "significant contributor" to soaring food prices around the world. The World Bank has projected that food prices will stay high or go even higher over the next couple of years, with biofuels a major factor in keeping them high. "Biofuels are no doubt a significant contributor," Zoellick says. "It is clearly the case that programs in Europe and the United States that have increased biofuels production have contributed to the added demand for food." 

The second question that has been raised is whether the impact of biofuels on the environment may outweigh their benefits. In addition to Time’s concern about global warming, just last week the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) felt compelled to address these impacts after a period of relatively benign acceptance of biofuels’ potential environmental impacts. Among the issues are the increased impacts of nitrogen compounds on the environment stemming from use of nitrogen-based fertilizers and higher nitrogen emissions compared to conventional gasoline. According to Inside EPA, “adding to the concern is the expanded renewable fuels standard (RFS) that Congress included in the recently enacted energy law, which boosts the prior RFS of 15 billion gallons by 2012 to 36 billion gallons by 2022.”

We will address the food-or-fuel issue in future blogs, including the promise of fuel from cellulosic ethanol production, favored by the President and leading environmental organizations alike. Cellulosic ethanol feedstocks, such as pine slashings and  switchgrass (the fast-growing plant made famous in the President’s State of the Union two years ago), do not directly compete in food markets. The promise of cellulosic ethanol remains bright, as organizations such as 25X25 have recently begun to reemphasize.