Corporate Social Responsibility - an effective tool for promoting climate change?
On 25 October 2011, the European Commission (‘Commission’) adopted a Communication addressed to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions.
The Communication is titled "A renewed EU strategy 2011-14 for Corporate Social Responsibility" ('2011 CSR Communication.) The nature of this EU instrument makes it in essence legally non-binding. This does not mean that the Communication should be disregarded by Member States or the business community, as it does set the seeds for a new policy direction in the field of Corporate Social Responsibility (‘CSR’). The Commission has perceived the concept of CSR along with the concept of “corporate governance” as central to furthering the internal market.[1]
In 2001, the Commission already defined CSR as “a concept whereby companies decide voluntarily to contribute to a better society and cleaner environment”.[2] The corollary of CSR was that “companies integrate social and environmental concerns in their business operations and in their interaction with their stakeholders on a voluntary basis”.[3] Building on earlier CSR instruments at the EU and international levels, the Commission in its 2011 CSR Communication proposed a new approach to CSR which emphasizes companies’ need to set up a process for reflecting ethical, human rights, environmental, social and consumer considerations into their day-to-day business operations and corporate strategy. The new Communication insists that CSR capture human rights, employment practices, the fight against bribery as well as environmental questions (e.g., resource efficiency, biodiversity, pollution prevention and climate change). The bulk of the new approach centers around: (i) the importance attached to the integration of a “core business strategy” into any business model; (ii) the emphasis on “creating shared value”; and (iii) the express insertion of “human rights and ethical considerations” into the conceptual definition of CSR[4] (even though the scope of CSR at the EU level already covered human rights pursuant to the Commission’s 2001 Green Paper).[5]
The Commission, in its 2011 CSR Communication, also strives for greater corporate disclosure of environmental information, in particular that pertaining to climate change, with a view to better involving stakeholders and unfolding “material sustainability risks”. The latter transparency concern will lead the Commission to issue a legislative proposal[6] whose objective would be to provide a generic regulatory framework for the corporate disclosure of social and environmental information across all sectors.[7] The Commission had already initiated a Public Consultation on Disclosure of Non-Financial Information by Companies on 22 November 2010, a procedure which was closed on 28 January 2011. This consultation procedure involved not just Member States’ representatives but also private stakeholders such as social partners from national and international unions, professional federations and academics.[8] On the question of whether institutional investors ought to be bound by non-financial disclosure requirements,[9] most stakeholders involved responded that these investors “should disclose information on environmental, social and other aspects and explain how these considerations influence their investment decisions” subject to a proportionate and size-based approach.[10] Most of the stakeholders were also of the view that qualified external auditors should audit corporate disclosure of environmental information, a requirement which should also be tempered by a sized-based approach (e.g., exemption for SMEs).[11]
The 2011 CSR Communication is overall discreet on the relation between CSR and climate change, which could arguably be explained for two main reasons.
First, the relation between the two had already been tackled in more detail in the “Energy Efficiency Plan 2011” Communication in which the Commission implicitly drew a direct link between CSR and one of the three principal pillars of the EU climate change policy.[12] Here, the Commission encouraged recourse by large companies to an energy management system such as that embodied in the EN 16001 standard, and invited the industry and energy-intensive sectors to enter into voluntary agreements for the implementation of energy efficiency processes and systems. Such agreements would be premised on concrete targets, clear methodologies and effective monitoring schemes.[13] The Energy Efficiency Plan 2011 especially targeted energy performance or ‘ecodesign’ measures as the way forward towards promoting “innovation in energy efficient European technologies”.[14]
Second, the 2011 CSR Communication is drafted, to some extent, on the basis of the renvoi technique: it encourages all large EU-based companies to ensure that, by 2014, they attend to the UN Global Compact, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises or the ISO 26000 Guidance Standard on Social Responsibility when fashioning their CSR position. The 2011 OECD Guidelines do contain some language on climate change compliance strategy. They invite multinational enterprises to set up a “sound environmental management” system premised on three layers of good corporate governance: (i) effective and efficient gathering/assessment of information on the environmental impacts of business activities; (ii) setting out measurable objectives and, if applicable, targets for improved resource utilization and environmental performance; and (iii) periodic monitoring of progress towards completing these environmental objectives/targets. At a more substantive level, the OECD Guidelines encourage multinational companies to aim for higher standards of environmental performance, amongst others, through the development of strategies on biodiversity or resource efficiency or for GHG emissions reduction. The OECD through its 2011 Guidelines interprets the expression “sound environmental management” in the most extensive way: it covers “activities aimed at controlling both direct and indirect environmental impacts of enterprise activities over the long-term, and involving both pollution control and resource management elements”.[15]
There is scope for substantial improvement as regards companies’ adhesion to CSR codes of conduct and Member States’ adoption of CSR incentivizing programs. The Commission has indicated that the number of EU companies officially endorsing the ten UN global Compact CSR principles had increased from 600 (2006) to 1900 (2011). It has also reported that only 15 out of the 27 EU Member States had put in place some form of CSR policy framework.[16]
[1] Green Paper «The EU corporate governance framework », COM(2011) 164 final, Brussels, 5.4.2011.
[2] Green Paper “Promoting a European framework for Corporate Social Responsibility”, COM(2001) 366 final, Brussels, 18.7.2001, available at:
http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/en/com/2001/com2001_0366en01.pdf
[3] Ibid.
[5] Supra, fn. 3 p. 13.
[6] The Commission is expected to present its legislative proposal in 2012 according to the Meeting Report of the Commission’s Expert Group on Disclosure of Non-Financial information by EU Companies (12 September 2011), available at: http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/accounting/docs/news/20110912-egdnfi-report_en.pdf
[7] This policy track falls under what the Commission referred to as the “Social entrepreneurship” lever for stimulating and reinforcing EU citizens’ confidence in the internal market: see Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “Single Market Act” COM(2011) 206 final, Brussels, 13.4.2011, available at:
http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2011:0206:FIN:EN:PDF
[8]http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/consultations/docs/2010/non-financial_reporting/overview_en.pdf
[9] EU company law currently comprises miscellaneous rules requiring the corporate disclosure of non-financial information, in particular Articles 46(1)(b) and Article 46a of the Fourth Council Directive 78/660/EEC of 25 July1978 based on Article 54(3)(g) of the Treaty on the annual accounts of certain types of companies, 1978OJ L 222/11. Article 46(1)(b) of Directive 78/660/EEC provides that “To the extent necessary for an understanding of the company’s development, performance or position, the analysis [the balanced and comprehensive analysis of the company’s business development and performance that need be part of the annual report] shall include both financial and, where appropriate, non-financial key performance indicators relevant to the particular business, including information relating to environmental and employee matters”. Additionally, Article 46a of Directive 78/660/EEC requires publicly listed companies to enclose in their annual accounts, amongst other information, a corporate governance statement mentioning any pertinent information regarding those corporate governance practices they follow beyond national law requirements. The text of the Directive is available at: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CONSLEG:1978L0660:20090716:EN:PDF
[10]http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/consultations/docs/2010/non-financial_reporting/summary_report_en.pdf
[11] Ibid.
[12] Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “Energy Efficiency Plan 2011” COM(2011) 109 final, Brussels, 8.3.2011, available at:
http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2011:0109:FIN:EN:PDF
[13] Ibid. p. 10.
[14] Ibid.
[16] Supra, fn. 1 pp. 4-5.
Blocking the Keystone XL Pipeline Won't Help Climate Change
Beginning this past weekend, environmentalists descended onto Washington, D.C. for a two-week protest designed to pressure President Obama to deny a Presidential Permit for the Keystone XL pipeline project. TransCanada is seeking to construct this pipeline, which would transport up to 700,000 barrels per day (bpd) of crude oil from Alberta to delivery points in Oklahoma and Texas, where the product will be refined. The State Department is expected to decide by the end of the year as to whether to grant TransCanada a Presidential Permit for the Keystone XL project.
Environmentalists protesting in front of the White House are arguing that the Administration should deny the Presidential Permit due in part to the lifecycle greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions associated with the oil sands. One of the organizers of the protest, James Hansen, argued that it would be “game over” for the earth’s climate if the Administration approves a Presidential Permit for the Keystone XL pipeline.
Research, however, contradicts Hansen and others’ claims regarding the impact of Keystone XL on climate change. A Department of Energy commissioned study released earlier this year found that global levels of GHG emissions will not be significantly affected one way or the other by the construction of the Keystone XL project. The study also concluded that oil sands production will not be affected by whether Keystone XL is built or not.
Additionally, IHS Cambridge Energy Research Associates released last year a study that found that lifecycle GHG emissions associated with the oil sands are on par with conventional crude imported from Nigeria, Venezuela and some domestically-produced oil. Consequently, the displacement of heavy crude from Venezuela and other importers with Canadian crude in Gulf refineries is unlikely to result in any material change in net GHG emissions. This study reached this conclusion after conducting a meta-analysis of thirteen publically-available studies on the lifecycle emissions associated with the oil sands.
Restrictions that limit access to domestic markets for Canadian oil sands will likely result in Canadian producers shipping crude oil to Asia for refinement. This scenario raises the risk of emissions leakage because shipping Canadian crude to Asia would likely increase lifecycle GHG emissions associated with the oil sands. The emissions associated with shipping crude derived from oil sands to Asia would also likely be substantially higher than comparable emissions associated with transporting the crude oil from Alberta to the Gulf Coast region. Refining Canadian crude in Asia could also have other negative environmental consequences because China and other Asian countries have less transparent and vigorous environmental regulations of the refinery sector than those in the United States.
This analysis of GHG emissions says nothing of the significant energy security and economic benefits associated with Keystone XL project. As noted by the DOE study, increased oil sands imports to the U.S., coupled with reduced domestic demand, “could essentially eliminate Middle East imports longer term.” The project is also projected to create over 20,000 jobs, along with providing states and municipalities with much needed tax revenue.
Responsibly addressing climate change, while also sustainably developing energy resources to meet the needs of our global economy, is one the great challenges of our time. Blocking the Keystone XL project, however, will not have a discernable effect on reducing global GHG levels.
EPA, Clean Air Act & Climate Change: Consider the Facts
The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has taken a lot of hits from those opposed to greenhouse gas regulations in the past week. In the House of Representatives, tough hearings led by U.S. Rep. Ed Whitfield, (R-KY), Chairman of the House Subcommittee on Energy, were held with EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson. Jackson’s testimony followed that of lead witness Senator James Inhofe (R-OK) who promoted his upcoming book, “The Hoax,” which takes aim at the science of climate change. The House subsequently passed an amendment to the proposed Continuing Resolution that would strip EPA of its authority to regulate GHG emissions and significantly decrease funding for environmental and clean energy programs. Meanwhile, outside of Washington, D.C., the first two permits considered by EPA suggest cleaner facilities and job creation can be compatible with new regulations as opposed to some of the concerns expressed in the hearings and continuing resolution.
This past week, South Dakota issued a draft permit for Best Available Control Technology for greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act (CAA) to the Hyperion Energy Center. Project owners describe the facility as a “HEC is a 400,000-barrel per day (BPD) highly-complex, full-conversion refinery which will produce clean, green, transportation fuel such as ultra-low sulfur gasoline (ULSG) and ultra-low sulfur diesel (ULSD).” South Dakota regulatory officials found that significant energy efficiency improvements to the refinery were the most cost-effective manner to move forward. The officials considered carbon capture & storage as an alternative path, but decided that while the technology is technically feasible it is not cost-effective or environmentally appropriate in this instance. EPA will now have 30-days to review the decision, but don’t expect any radical changes to the State-level decision. Construction will create an estimated 4,500 jobs and when finished, 1,826 permanent jobs will be created for the ongoing operation of the refinery and associated utility plant according to company officials.
In Louisiana, State regulators recently approved an air quality construction and operating permit that includes emissions control requirements for greenhouse gases as well. The permit clears the way for an iron production facility, the initial phase of the construction of a larger Nucor iron and steelmaking facility in St. James Parish. Under the permit granted, the greenhouse gas limits rely on energy efficiency measures and set a 13 million British thermal units of natural gas per metric ton of direct reduced iron. State regulators estimate the plant will emit 3.39 million metric tons of carbon dioxide per year. 500 construction jobs and 150 permanent jobs will be created according to Nucor, although they would like the facility to be larger and note regulatory uncertainty as a cause of concern. On the other hand, some environmental groups including the Tulane Law Clinic may challenge that the permit is not strict enough. EPA will now conduct a review here as well.
Congress would be well-advised to consider these case studies as it moves forward in its deliberations.
Clean Energy Standard Update
Since President Obama’s State of the Union address announcing the Administration goal of setting a Clean Energy Standard (CES) deliberations have shifted to Congress. The President has called for utilities to meet a target of 80 percent of their electricity from sources such as solar, wind, natural gas, nuclear and so-called clean coal by 2035 but the real work now begins in moving this through the legislative process. Bipartisan congressional leadership is where this will have to begin and end if the President’s goal is to become a reality.
In the Senate, most of the anticipated action will take place in the Senate Energy & Natural Resources Committee (SENR) where the bipartisan leadership of Chairman Bingaman and Ranking Member Murkowski are essential for success. Senator Bingaman met with President Obama at the White House shortly after the State of the Union to discuss the CES but has remained guardedly supportive of the President’s proposal. Senator Murkowski remains in a listening mode but open to the discussion.
Today, Majority Leader Harry Reid indicated that Murkowski and Bingaman “have an agreement on the standard.” However, within hours of that statement Murkowski stated that the Majority Leader had “jumped the gun.”
Reaching bipartisan agreement will come down to definitions of what is “clean.” “Clean” in the White House agenda focuses on air emissions, primarily greenhouse gas emissions. However, opponents of that approach are more focused on the broader lifecycle of environmental impacts associated with any given energy source. Some don’t consider coal even with carbon capture & storage to be clean noting coal ash and other challenges to the sector. Others don’t consider nuclear “clean” citing waste issues in particular. Secretary Chu during testimony today before SENR on the DOE budget was specific in describing eligible clean energy sources as including nuclear as noted here in a section of his written testimony:
"A Clean Energy Standard will provide a clear, long-term signal to industry to bring capital off the sidelines and into the clean energy sector. It will grow the domestic market for clean sources of energy – creating jobs, driving innovation and enhancing national security. And by drawing on a wide range of energy sources including renewables, nuclear, clean coal and natural gas, it will give utilities the flexibility they need to meet our clean energy goal while protecting consumers in every region of the country."
In the Senate, feasibility of a CES will largely come down to how many votes will be gained by broadening the definition of “Clean” as envisioned by the Obama Administration versus the number of votes that will be turned off by such an approach. One can expect Senate hearings and negotiations to begin in earnest on a CES in mid-to-late March at the earliest.
Feasibility of the Clean Energy Standard in the House of Representatives appears to be more a matter of overcoming distaste by Republican leadership for perceived government mandates of such a legislative approach. House Energy and Power subpanel chairman Ed Whitfield, speaking this morning to National Electricity Forum made his view known on a CES: "My preference is that we not try to establish a federal standard. Now there are some on my committee that disagree with that, I know that some in the Senate disagree with that. So that’s another issue that we’ll be looking at as we move forward.”
"Our generation's Sputnik moment": President Obama calls for 80% "clean" electricity by 2035
In his State of the Union address, President Obama challenged Congress to pass legislation establishing a clean energy standard (CES) that would require that 80 percent of America’s electricity come from “clean” sources by 2035. President Obama signaled that a standard would recognize electricity derived from not only renewables but also nuclear, clean coal and natural gas. Calling the clean energy push “our generation’s Sputnik moment,” the President’s speech framed a CES in the larger context of improving U.S.’s competitiveness in the changing global economy. The focus on clean energy and not GHG emissions also reflects a dramatically altered political landscape than what President Obama faced over his first two years in office. With cap-and-trade legislation off the table, President Obama is reaching out to Republicans by expressing his support for clean coal and nuclear in any energy legislation.
In a conference call today, Secretary of Energy Steven Chu reiterated President Obama’s comments that the U.S. faces a “Sputnik moment” where it must make a concerted commitment in clean energy to compete with China, Europe and other countries. With regard to a CES, Secretary Chu acknowledged that the President’s proposal was “ambitious” but “not over-the-top.” Secretary Chu noted that the details of a CES proposal will be left to Congress and that any legislation will require bipartisan support.
President Obama’s State of the Union address, coupled with Secretary Chu’s press conference, could provide momentum to energy legislation. Despite environmental organizations prior opposition to nuclear, some mainstream environmental organizations like the Pew Center on Global Climate Change and the National Resource Defense Council reacted favorably to President Obama’s CES proposal. The renewable energy industry also praised the President’s comments and argued that a CES can help fuel job growth. Senator Lindsay Graham (R-SC) is planning on working with a bipartisan group of Senators on drafting a bipartisan energy bill that includes a CES. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) is also indicating that energy policy will be a top legislative priority this year.
Yet prospects for passage of a CES still faces considerable challenges. Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN), a key swing vote on energy legislation, remains undecided as to whether to endorse a CES. He introduced legislation last year that included a similar “diverse energy standard,” but he noted that he is reassessing this standard in light of concerns expressed by utilities. Emboldened conservatives, particularly in the House, will likely be highly skeptical of any mandate even if it were to include nuclear, clean coal and natural gas. Notably, House Energy and Commerce Chairman Fred Upton (R-MI) released a statement after the President’s speech criticizing a call for increased federal mandates. A CES bill could also become a legislative vehicle for contentious debates on other issues like EPA’s GHG regulations and offshore drilling.
To pass a CES, President Obama will need to build and sustain a tenuous alliance of Democrats, moderate Republicans, environmentalists, and utilities, among other stakeholders. The success of the President’s push will depend on his ability to argue that clean energy is essential to “win the future,” as he stated last night, and keep America as an economic leader in innovation and competitiveness.
California's Proposition 23
This coming campaign season, Californians will be given the opportunity to vote on Proposition 23, an initiative that would suspend California's clean energy legislation, the Global Warming Act of 2006 or AB32. The California Jobs Initiative, a movement reportedly financed by Texas oil companies, is charging that AB32 will cost California 1.1 million jobs and $3.7 billion a year in higher energy costs.
Proponents of AB32 are answering the charge. Joe Romm, a well-known climate expert and blogger, considers it to be "one of the most progressive pieces of environmental legislation ever enacted." According to Romm, in addition to reducing pollution levels and dependence on foreign oil, AB32 is spurring market growth in California’s clean tech and clean energy industries. His climate blog reports that AB32 has stimulated more than $9 billion of private investment, helped pave the way for more than 12,000 companies, and has contributed to the creation of more than 100,000 green jobs. Also, by sending a clear carbon price signal, AB32 provides the long term market certainty necessary for businesses to invest. As a result, California’s clean energy sector has grown stronger and now sits at the forefront of our nation’s energy innovation. In 2007 alone, Californian businesses patented 1,401 new clean technologies, constituting one sixth of all clean energy technology patents in the nation for that year. Contrary to the arguments of the jobs initiative, supporters of AB32 argue that the law has helped buoy California’s economy through the recent recession. Perhaps more importantly, as California has historically done with clean air legislation, AB32 serves as a model for federal action. Suspending AB32 would further complicate the struggles to enact federal legislation on climate change. If California decides that it cannot afford to address climate change, other states will be hesitant to follow California's lead. This would not be welcome news for climate change activists at a time when our most respected environmental groups feel as if they’re losing the battle over the climate bill. Regardless of the outcome this November, it will serve as an important referendum over energy policy.
Potential Battles Ahead on Energy and Climate Policy if the Republicans Win the House
The prospects of a Republican-led House have been increasing as the U.S. nears the November mid-term elections. If Republicans do win back control of the House, it will dramatically reshape the contours of the national debate on energy and climate policy. The discussion would shift from a discussion over legislation to cap greenhouse gas emissions to the following issues.
Climate Regulations
The controversies regarding EPA’s climate regulations, particularly the Agency’s “tailoring” rule, have been ongoing for the past year. These controversies, however, would be amplified with a Republican majority, especially with large emitters becoming subject to the regulations in January 2011. A Republican-led House would likely target the rule by considering legislation to block the “tailoring” rule or strip funding for its implementation. If the House were to pass this type of legislation, and assuming that it could also pass through the Senate, then it would spark a veto battle with the Obama Administration. Republicans could also target other climate regulations, including a draft guidance proposed by the Council of Environmental Quality earlier this year that would require that federal agencies consider climate change in conducting environmental reviews under the National Environmental Policy Act.
Funding for Clean Energy Programs
The Administration has made the transition to a clean energy economy a priority, evidenced by increased funding for clean energy programs. Republicans have criticized these programs for failing to create the jobs promised by the Administration. Campaigning on the need to reduce federal spending and the government’s role in the economy, a Republican-led House could propose reducing or eliminating funding for some of these programs. The Administration will likely oppose efforts to reduce funding for these programs. At the same time, the Administration will be under pressure to also reduce federal spending, and it will be interesting to see how hard the Administration is willing to fight to sustain funding for some of these programs. Additionally, with subpoena power, Republicans could hold Committee investigations and hearings into alleged mismanagement by the Department of Energy into stimulus funding.
Nuclear Incentives
The Obama Administration and Congressional Republicans generally agree in the importance of nuclear energy to our nation’s energy future, one of the few issues where there is at least some consensus. A Republican-led House could work with the Obama Administration on incentives and other regulatory reforms to spur growth in the nuclear industry. That being said, the Administration’s support for closing Yucca Mountain as permanent storage site for nuclear waste could become a major issue in a potential debate over nuclear energy.
As this blog outlines, House Republicans and the Obama Administration have starkly different views over energy and climate policy. If Republicans win the House in November, one can expect some bitter battles to occur over these and other energy and climate issues.
Enhanced Geothermal Systems - The "Killer App" of the Energy World
Google surprised the audience at the National Clean Energy Summit in August by pronouncing that “enhanced” geothermal energy could be the “killer app” of the energy world. In September, Google and General Electric jointly announced an effort to more fully develop this potentially unlimited resource.
What exactly is “enhanced” geothermal energy? Why has it excited such giants as General Electric and Google? And, will it live up to expectations?
Traditional geothermal energy relies on naturally occurring pockets of steam and hot water beneath the earth. Geothermal power plants on the surface use the steam from 1 to 2 miles below the surface to run turbines and generate electricity. In order to be economic, large geothermal plants are usually built where the heat is relatively near the surface and where the temperatures of the hydrothermal resources are generally warm (between 300 and 700 degrees Fahrenheit). These plants produce, on average, for about 30 years and, depending on their location, are competitive with the prices from traditional fossil fuels plants. However, large scale geothermal resources seem quite hard to come by or the resources are located at uneconomic depths. Consequently, traditional geothermal power plants produce less than .0035 of total electric generation in the US and less than 1 percent world-wide.
“Enhanced” geothermal however, taps into the earth’s unlimited hot rock. Those rocks are then fractured, water is circulated through the system, and the resulting steam is used to produce electricity in a conventional turbine.
A 2006 report on Enhanced Geothermal Systems (EGS) by MIT (sited by Idaho National Laboratory and Wikipedia) concluded that it would be affordable to generate 100 GWe (gigawatts of electricity) or more by 2050 in the United States alone, for a maximum investment of 1 billion US dollars in research and development over 15 years.
The MIT report calculated the world's total EGS resources to be over 13,000 ZJ. Of these, over 200 ZJ would be extractable, with the potential to increase this to over 2,000 ZJ with technology improvements - sufficient to provide all the world's present energy needs for several millennia. The key characteristic of an EGS (also called a Hot Dry Rock system), is that it reaches at least 10 km down into hard rock. At a typical site two holes would be bored and the deep rock between them fractured. Water would be pumped down one and steam would come up the other. The MIT report estimated that there was enough energy in hard rocks 10 km below the United States to supply all the world's current needs for 30,000 years.
What then are the impediments to this seemingly unlimited resource? First, the depth of these holes are daunting. There are technological challenges involved in drilling wide bore holes to depths of 4,500 meters (about 2.8 miles) as well as the difficulty involved with breaking (fracturing) rock over large volumes. Second, drilling to such depths is currently very expensive. Conventional oil and gas wells drilled to 15,000 feet generally cost tens of millions of dollars. Each enhanced geothermal plant would require two holes.
Google is relying on several potential breakthroughs to advance EGS. On the cost side, Google expects that the economies of scale will bring project costs down in line with coal-fired plants. On the technology side, Google has invested in new hard rock drilling technologies and in companies involved in EGS research and development.
Certainly, the injection of GE as a participant in enhanced geothermal lends tremendous credibility to Google’s efforts. The only question in my mind is whether any one approach is truly the “killer app” in the energy world.
Offshore Drilling
I have the following theory about the fallacy of opening offshore areas of the US coastline to drilling as a strategy to push down oil prices:
- Any additional crude oil that could be recovered from US offshore areas does materially not increase OUR oil supply.
- Regardless of whether the firm drilling for such crude is ExxonMobil, Chevron or any other US firm, it would simply become part of the WORLD crude supply and would be sold at whatever the spot price for crude is on a given date.
- Such crude would NOT be sold preferentially to US citizens at a discount but rather at the going price. The fact that it is locally produced may translate into a slight reduction in transport costs (over Venezuela, Mexico, Canada and other nearby oil-producing regions). But, the reality is that the difference at the pump for US consumers would be inconsequential.
- Yes, by increasing the WORLD supply of oil, the price of crude will drop some, but the amount we are talking about here is relatively small (and the effect on price at the pump likely would be even smaller). And that effect is years off.
- The primary effect of drilling offshore would be to increase the amount of product that US oil companies could sell, in other words increase their sales and profits.
- Moreover, drilling offshore would undermine the battle against climate change. Rather than accelerate the pace of drilling, we should encourage US energy firms to invest in alternative energy sources.