Commission's Energy Roadmap 2050 - What Direction for EU's Climate Change Policy?

 

On 15 December 2011, the European Commission published its “Energy Roadmap 2050” in the form of a Communication to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions.(1) The Roadmap should be read in light of the fourth meeting of the Advisory Group on Energy Roadmap 2050 whose minutes were published on DG ENER’s website on 16 January 2012.(2)

In the Roadmap, the Commission confirms EU’s 2050 commitment to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80 to 95% compared to 1990 levels.(3) It also outlines five decarbonisation scenarios: (i) a high level of energy efficiency; (ii) diversification in the supply technologies; (iii) a high share of renewable energy sources in gross final consumption of energy; (iv) delayed Carbon Capture and Storage (‘CCS’); and (v) a low level of nuclear energy.(4)

In all decarbonisation scenarios, the Commission calls for “very significant energy savings”. More concretely, the Roadmap aims at a 32 to 41% energy efficiency increase by 2050 based on 2005-2006 levels.(5) This demanding energy efficiency target for 2050 can be contrasted with the pessimistic observations which Philip Lowe (Director-General for Energy at the European Commission) formulated at the Roundtable on “The Future of the European Energy Policy, Energy Efficiency and European Energy Independence” that took place on 14 September 2011 at the European Economic and Social Committee in Brussels.(6) Philip Lowe argued on that occasion that, although the EU was well on its way in achieving the 2020 greenhouse gas reduction target and renewable energy targets, it was still stagnating with respect to its 2020 20% energy efficiency objective. Philip Lowe underlined that Member States were very much opposed to the idea of having binding targets formally imposed upon them in the field of energy efficiency: they would instead mark a strong preference for indicative targets.(7) Philip Lowe also pointed out that only 4% of small companies and 20% of large corporations established in the Union would already have a policy on energy efficiency.

The Commission also calls for the share of renewable energy to reach 55% of the Union’s gross final consumption of energy by 2050.(8) As regards renewable electricity more specifically, the Commission, in two of its decarbonisation scenarios, calls for a share of 60-65% and of 97% of renewable energy sources in the gross final consumption of electricity to be reached by 2050.(9) The Roadmap insists on the essential role of renewable heating and cooling in the Union’s move towards decarbonisation: the Commission urges for energy consumption to be directed at “low carbon and locally produced energy sources (including heat pumps and storage heaters) and renewable energy (e.g., solar heating, geothermal, biogas, biomass)”.(10) In the transport sector, the Commission points to a mixture of alternative fuels as a necessary substitute for oil, biofuels remaining the most viable alternative to oil for aircrafts, long-distance road transport, and railways (when they cannot turn to electricity). The biofuels relied upon ought to be sustainable: they must help diminish demand for food production land and improve the level of net greenhouse gas savings.(11)

Stimulation of local production of renewable energy presupposes the emergence of smarter distribution grids with a view to accommodating variable generation from multiple sources of distribution (e.g., solar photovoltaic) and a growing demand for renewable energy.(12)

The Commission, in its Roadmap, is realistic about the fact that public support schemes, in particular in the form of energy subsidies, will still be needed after 2020 in order to further stimulate green technologies. These support schemes ought to be specific in their scope, foreseeable and proportionate. They should be suppressed once the underlying “market failures are resolved” and the maturation of these technologies arrived at.(13)

As regards the future of CCS, the Roadmap suggests that it is contingent on its acceptance by the public and on the adequacy of carbon prices. CCS, if deployed by 2020 and widely used by 2030, is expected to have a significant impact on the decarbonisation of many heavy industrial infrastructures. The combination of CCS and of biomass could result in “carbon negative values”.(14)

The Roadmap’s proposed energy system presupposes the achievement of a “fully integrated market” for 2014,(15) the definition of “2030 milestones” for the promotion of renewable energy sources, more consistency with a common approach to international energy policy, and a substantial increase in energy efficiency (amongst other factors).(16)

Philip Lowe at the fourth meeting of the Advisory Group on Energy Roadmap 2050 and the Commission as a whole through its Roadmap have announced that their next priority would be the elaboration of a 2030 energy policy framework.(17)



[1] European Commission,  “Energy Roadmap 2050”, COM(2011) 885/2, available at: http://ec.europa.eu/energy/energy2020/roadmap/doc/com_2011_8852_en.pdf

[2]  Minutes of the fourth meeting of the Advisory Group on Energy Roadmap 2050, Brussels, 12 December 2011:  http://ec.europa.eu/energy/energy2020/roadmap/doc/energy_roadmap2050_advisory_group_minutes_2011_12_12.pdf

[3] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 2.

[4] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 4.

[5] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 7.

[7] This position is somewhat reflected in the Commission’s Proposal for a Directive on Energy Efficiency formally issued in June 2011. This generic Directive, if adopted by the European Parliament and the Council, would refrain from imposing binding national targets in the implementation of EU’s 2020 20% energy efficiency target. Instead, Member States would have to fix in advance indicative national energy efficiency targets in the form of absolute levels of primary energy consumption (i.e., gross inland consumption) in 2020. The Commission would have to determine by 30 June 2014 whether the EU is capable of reaching its 20% energy efficiency target. If not, the Commission may want to propose another EU legislative act that would make national energy efficiency targets formally binding upon Member States:  Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on energy efficiency and repealing Directives 2004/8/EC and 2006/32/EC, COM(2011) 370 final, Brussels, 22 June 2011 (Article 3).

[8] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 7.

[9] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 6-7.

[10] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 11.

[11] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 11.

[12] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 15.

[13] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 17.

[14] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 12.

[15] In order to help foster an EU integrated energy market, the European Economic and Social Committee (an advisory and interinstitutional body of the EU in charge of representing employers, employees and civil society more generally) has been in favour of instituting a “European Energy Community” so as to promote a “joint approach to energy production, transmission and consumption”. This would start with the establishment of “regional energy blocks” where Member States and operators would have the opportunity to align their strategic positions concerning network development and energy mix. See Press Release of 18 January 2012, CES/12/2:

http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=CES/12/2&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en

[16] Energy Roadmap 2050, pp. 19-20.

[17] Energy Roadmap 2050, p. 20. 

Will California LCFS ruling affect other state and regional climate initiatives?

On December 29, U.S. District Judge Lawrence O’Neil issued a preliminary injunction against California’s Air Resources Board’s (“CARB”) low carbon fuel standard (“LCFS”).  The lawsuit, brought by the ethanol, oil and trucking industries, alleged that California’s LCFS violates the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution and is preempted by federal law. Judge O’Neil held that California’s LCFS violates the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution, because the regulation impermissibly attempts to regulate interstate commerce. The ruling, however, dismissed the plaintiffs’ claim that federal law preempted California’s LCFS.  An important question will be the influence that this recent decision will have on other state and regional climate initiatives.  

A little bit of background is necessary to understand the issues and potential ramifications associated with the lawsuit over California’s LCFS. In 2009, CARB finalized the LCFS, which would require a 10% reduction in the carbon intensity (“CI”) of the state’s transportation fuels by 2020. The rule defines CI as the amount of lifecycle GHG emissions, per unit of energy of fuel delivered. The rule assessed different CI values for various types of ethanol, including assigning lower CI values to California corn-derived ethanol than to Midwest corn-derived ethanol. In addition, the rule created a CI distinction with regard to conventional and unconventional crude oil, including fuels derived from the Canadian oil sands. CARB does allow for a producer to obtain a customized CI value if it can demonstrate that its energy use data “deviates substantially from that of the pathways” represented in this initial rule. 

Judge O’Neil’s ruling held that California’s LCFS violates the Commerce Clause. First, the ruling found that the LCFS facially discriminated against out-of-state ethanol by penalizing Midwest producers for larger lifecycle GHG emissions. Judge O’Neil also agreed with the plaintiffs’ argument that the LCFS is attempting to control commerce wholly outside the state’s border. Finally, Judge O’Neil ruled that CARB failed to demonstrate that reducing climate change could be achieved through other non-discriminatory means. According to Judge O’Neil, there are other non-discriminatory means to reducing GHG emissions from the transportation sector, including adopting a tax on fossil fuels.  

If upheld by the Ninth Circuit, Judge O’Neil’s ruling could potentially signal a blow to other state and regional climate initiatives. Several Northeastern states are working on developing a clean fuel standard based in part on California’s LCFS and with the goal of reducing the CI value of transportation fuels by 10% over the next decade. Oregon and Washington State are also considering adopting a LCFS based on California’s model. Judge O’Neil’s ruling could influence these fledgling fuel standard efforts by encouraging states to eliminate CI distinctions between different types of ethanol and conventional and unconventional crude.  

It will also be important to monitor the effect of this ruling on other state climate initiatives. In one notable case, North Dakota, electric cooperatives and coal producers are suing Minnesota over its Next Generation Act. Minnesota’s legislation committed the state to reducing GHG emissions 30% by 2023 and 80% by 2050. Specifically, the legislation prohibited utilities from purchasing power from new plants unless the GHG emissions associated with that power are fully offset. The lawsuit contends that Minnesota’s law violates the Commerce Clause by discriminating against North Dakota’s coal interests. North Dakota is home to one of the world’s largest reserves of lignite coal, which provides a majority of the fuel used in Minnesota’s coal-fired power plants.   The state’s power plants also export significant amounts of electricity to Minnesota. The plaintiffs are also arguing that exemptions provided in the law for four specific projects favor Minnesota businesses at the expense of North Dakota business interests. Undoubtedly, the plaintiffs will point to Judge O’Neil’s ruling in urging the court to block Minnesota’s Next Generation Act.    

Judge O’Neil’s ruling could also spur a proliferation of lawsuits challenging other state climate regulations. 

Corporate Social Responsibility - an effective tool for promoting climate change?

On 25 October 2011, the European Commission (‘Commission’) adopted a Communication addressed to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions.

The Communication is titled "A renewed EU strategy 2011-14 for Corporate Social Responsibility" ('2011 CSR Communication.) The nature of this EU instrument makes it in essence legally non-binding. This does not mean that the Communication should be disregarded by Member States or the business community, as it does set the seeds for a new policy direction in the field of Corporate Social Responsibility (‘CSR’). The Commission has perceived the concept of CSR along with the concept of “corporate governance” as central to furthering the internal market.[1]

In 2001, the Commission already defined CSR as “a concept whereby companies decide voluntarily to contribute to a better society and cleaner environment”.[2] The corollary of CSR was that “companies integrate social and environmental concerns in their business operations and in their interaction with their stakeholders on a voluntary basis”.[3] Building on earlier CSR instruments at the EU and international levels, the Commission in its 2011 CSR Communication proposed a new approach to CSR which emphasizes companies’ need to set up a process for reflecting ethical, human rights, environmental, social and consumer considerations into their day-to-day business operations and corporate strategy. The new Communication insists that CSR capture human rights, employment practices, the fight against bribery as well as environmental questions (e.g., resource efficiency, biodiversity, pollution prevention and climate change). The bulk of the new approach centers around: (i) the importance attached to the integration of a “core business strategy” into any business model; (ii) the emphasis on “creating shared value”; and (iii) the express insertion of “human rights and ethical considerations” into the conceptual definition of CSR[4] (even though the scope of CSR at the EU level already covered human rights pursuant to the Commission’s 2001 Green Paper).[5]

The Commission, in its 2011 CSR Communication, also strives for greater corporate disclosure of environmental information, in particular that pertaining to climate change, with a view to better involving stakeholders and unfolding “material sustainability risks”. The latter transparency concern will lead the Commission to issue a legislative proposal[6] whose objective would be to provide a generic regulatory framework for the corporate disclosure of social and environmental information across all sectors.[7] The Commission had already initiated a Public Consultation on Disclosure of Non-Financial Information by Companies on 22 November 2010, a procedure which was closed on 28 January 2011. This consultation procedure involved not just Member States’ representatives but also private stakeholders such as social partners from national and international unions, professional federations and academics.[8] On the question of whether institutional investors ought to be bound by non-financial disclosure requirements,[9] most stakeholders involved responded that these investors “should disclose information on environmental, social and other aspects and explain how these considerations influence their investment decisions” subject to a proportionate and size-based approach.[10] Most of the stakeholders were also of the view that qualified external auditors should audit corporate disclosure of environmental information, a requirement which should also be tempered by a sized-based approach (e.g., exemption for SMEs).[11]  

The 2011 CSR Communication is overall discreet on the relation between CSR and climate change, which could arguably be explained for two main reasons.

First, the relation between the two had already been tackled in more detail in the “Energy Efficiency Plan 2011” Communication in which the Commission implicitly drew a direct link between CSR and one of the three principal pillars of the EU climate change policy.[12] Here, the Commission encouraged recourse by large companies to an energy management system such as that embodied in the EN 16001 standard, and invited the industry and energy-intensive sectors to enter into voluntary agreements for the implementation of energy efficiency processes and systems. Such agreements would be premised on concrete targets, clear methodologies and effective monitoring schemes.[13] The Energy Efficiency Plan 2011 especially targeted energy performance or ‘ecodesign’ measures as the way forward towards promoting “innovation in energy efficient European technologies”.[14]

Second, the 2011 CSR Communication is drafted, to some extent, on the basis of the renvoi technique: it encourages all large EU-based companies to ensure that, by 2014, they attend to the UN Global Compact, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises or the ISO 26000 Guidance Standard on Social Responsibility when fashioning their CSR position. The 2011 OECD Guidelines do contain some language on climate change compliance strategy. They invite multinational enterprises to set up a “sound environmental management” system premised on three layers of good corporate governance: (i) effective and efficient gathering/assessment of information on the environmental impacts of business activities; (ii) setting out measurable objectives and, if applicable, targets for improved resource utilization and environmental performance; and (iii) periodic monitoring of progress towards completing these environmental objectives/targets. At a more substantive level, the OECD Guidelines encourage multinational companies to aim for higher standards of environmental performance, amongst others, through the development of strategies on biodiversity or resource efficiency or for GHG emissions reduction. The OECD through its 2011 Guidelines interprets the expression “sound environmental management” in the most extensive way: it covers “activities aimed at controlling both direct and indirect environmental impacts of enterprise activities over the long-term, and involving both pollution control and resource management elements.[15]

There is scope for substantial improvement as regards companies’ adhesion to CSR codes of conduct and Member States’ adoption of CSR incentivizing programs. The Commission has indicated that the number of EU companies officially endorsing the ten UN global Compact CSR principles had increased from 600 (2006) to 1900 (2011). It has also reported that only 15 out of the 27 EU Member States had put in place some form of CSR policy framework.[16]  
 


 

[1] Green Paper «The EU corporate governance framework », COM(2011) 164 final, Brussels, 5.4.2011. 

[2] Green Paper “Promoting a European framework for Corporate Social Responsibility”, COM(2001) 366 final, Brussels, 18.7.2001, available at:

http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/en/com/2001/com2001_0366en01.pdf

[3] Ibid.

[5] Supra, fn. 3 p. 13.

[6] The Commission is expected to present its legislative proposal in 2012 according to the Meeting Report of the Commission’s Expert Group on Disclosure of Non-Financial information by EU Companies (12 September 2011), available at: http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/accounting/docs/news/20110912-egdnfi-report_en.pdf

[7] This policy track falls under what the Commission referred to as the “Social entrepreneurship” lever for stimulating and reinforcing EU citizens’ confidence in the internal market: see Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “Single Market Act” COM(2011) 206 final, Brussels, 13.4.2011, available at:

http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2011:0206:FIN:EN:PDF

[9] EU company law currently comprises miscellaneous rules requiring the corporate disclosure of non-financial information, in particular Articles 46(1)(b) and Article 46a of the Fourth Council Directive 78/660/EEC of 25 July1978 based on Article 54(3)(g) of the Treaty on the annual accounts of certain types of companies, 1978OJ L 222/11. Article 46(1)(b) of Directive 78/660/EEC provides that “To the extent necessary for an understanding of the company’s development, performance or position, the analysis [the balanced and comprehensive analysis of the company’s business development and performance that need be part of the annual report] shall include both financial and, where appropriate, non-financial key performance indicators relevant to the particular business, including information relating to environmental and employee matters”. Additionally, Article 46a of Directive 78/660/EEC requires publicly listed companies to enclose in their annual accounts, amongst other information, a corporate governance statement mentioning any pertinent information regarding those corporate governance practices they follow beyond national law requirements. The text of the Directive is available at:  http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CONSLEG:1978L0660:20090716:EN:PDF

[11] Ibid.

[12] Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “Energy Efficiency Plan 2011” COM(2011) 109 final, Brussels, 8.3.2011, available at:

http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2011:0109:FIN:EN:PDF

[13] Ibid. p. 10.

[14] Ibid.

[16] Supra, fn. 1 pp. 4-5.

 

"Our generation's Sputnik moment": President Obama calls for 80% "clean" electricity by 2035

In his State of the Union address, President Obama challenged Congress to pass legislation establishing a clean energy standard (CES) that would require that 80 percent of America’s electricity come from “clean” sources by 2035. President Obama signaled that a standard would recognize electricity derived from not only renewables but also nuclear, clean coal and natural gas. Calling the clean energy push “our generation’s Sputnik moment,” the President’s speech framed a CES in the larger context of  improving U.S.’s competitiveness in the changing global economy. The focus on clean energy and not GHG emissions also reflects a dramatically altered political landscape than what President Obama faced over his first two years in office. With cap-and-trade legislation off the table, President Obama is reaching out to Republicans by expressing his support for clean coal and nuclear in any energy legislation.   

In a conference call today, Secretary of Energy Steven Chu reiterated President Obama’s comments that the U.S. faces a “Sputnik moment” where it must make a concerted commitment in clean energy to compete with China, Europe and other countries. With regard to a CES, Secretary Chu acknowledged that the President’s proposal was “ambitious” but “not over-the-top.” Secretary Chu noted that the details of a CES proposal will be left to Congress and that any legislation will require bipartisan support.   

President Obama’s State of the Union address, coupled with Secretary Chu’s press conference, could provide momentum to energy legislation. Despite environmental organizations prior opposition to nuclear, some mainstream environmental organizations like the Pew Center on Global Climate Change and the National Resource Defense Council reacted favorably to President Obama’s CES proposal. The renewable energy industry also praised the President’s comments and argued that a CES can help fuel job growth. Senator Lindsay Graham (R-SC) is planning on working with a bipartisan group of Senators on drafting a bipartisan energy bill that includes a CES.  Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) is also indicating that energy policy will be a top legislative priority this year. 

 Yet prospects for passage of a CES still faces considerable challenges. Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN), a key swing vote on energy legislation, remains undecided as to whether to endorse a CES. He introduced legislation last year that included a similar “diverse energy standard,” but he noted that he is reassessing this standard in light of concerns expressed by utilities. Emboldened conservatives, particularly in the House, will likely be highly skeptical of any mandate even if it were to include nuclear, clean coal and natural gas. Notably, House Energy and Commerce Chairman Fred Upton (R-MI) released a statement after the President’s speech criticizing a call for increased federal mandates. A CES bill could also become a legislative vehicle for contentious debates on other issues like EPA’s GHG regulations and offshore drilling. 

To pass a CES, President Obama will need to build and sustain a tenuous alliance of Democrats, moderate Republicans, environmentalists, and utilities, among other stakeholders. The success of the President’s push will depend on his ability to argue that clean energy is essential to “win the future,” as he stated last night, and keep America as an economic leader in innovation and competitiveness. 

Update on Comer

On Monday, January 10, 2011, the Supreme Court announced that it denied the plaintiffs’ petition for writ of mandamus in In re Comer, No. 10-294. This means that the Supreme Court will not review the procedural issue of whether the Fifth Circuit had a sufficient quorum to dismiss the appeal, and thus that the decision of the U.S. District for the Southern District of Mississippi to dismiss Comer on political question and standing grounds will stand.

The Supreme Court, however, previously had agreed to review political question doctrine and standing issues in the climate change context in AEP v. Connecticut, No. 10-174 (certiorari granted Dec. 6, 2010). A decision in that case is expected this year. The Comer decision also does not prevent plaintiffs from filing new climate change-related tort suits in the Fifth Circuit. The Comer trial court decision is persuasive authority only even in the Southern District of Mississippi.

Decision Expected in Comer

The Supreme Court is scheduled to consider whether to grant a petition for writ of mandamus in one of the first major climate change-related tort cases, In re Comer, No. 10-294, in conference on January 7, 2010. The Court likely will announce a decision by the morning of January 10 unless it decides to hold over the case.

The Comer v. Murphy Oil USA case originated in Mississippi. In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, Gulf Coast property owners sued oil companies, coal companies, and chemical manufacturers for property damage alleging that the companies’ greenhouse gas emissions contributed to global warming which in turn contributed to increased sea levels and the ferocity of Hurricane Katrina. The district court dismissed the case on political question doctrine and standing grounds, but the Fifth Circuit originally reversed holding that (1) plaintiffs had standing to bring their nuisance, trespass, and negligence claims; and (2) plaintiffs’ nuisance, trespass, and negligence claims did not present non-justiciable political questions. The Fifth Circuit did not reverse the trial court’s decision that plaintiffs did not have standing to bring their unjust enrichment, fraudulent misrepresentation, and civil conspiracy claims.  

The Defendants sought rehearing en banc by the Fifth Circuit. Seven of the sixteen judges recused themselves leaving nine active judges, the minimum quorum needed for en banc review. Six of the nine judges voted to grant rehearing en banc. This grant had the effect, per court local rules, of vacating the initial Fifth Circuit decision. After the briefing began, an additional judge recused herself. The Fifth Circuit concluded (with some judges dissenting) that it no longer had a sufficient en banc quorum for the appeal to continue, and thus dismissed the case. With the original Fifth Circuit decision already vacated, this meant that the original trial court decision dismissing the case was reinstated. Plaintiffs then filed a petition for writ of mandamus. 

What happens next? If the Supreme Court decided to grant the petition in Comer, the Court would decide whether the Fifth Circuit should have dismissed the case after determining that it lacked a quorum to proceed with the rehearing en banc. This question is a constitutional and statutory one. Thus, if the Court takes the case, it would not be deciding any of the underlying climate change-related issues. Instead, those will be addressed in AEP v. ConnecticutAEP is one of the other two major climate change-related tort cases. At issue in AEP is whether states can seek redress under federal common law for the effects of climate change allegedly caused by anthropogenic (i.e., man-made) greenhouse gas emissions. The third case—Kivalina v. ExxonMobil, in which an Inupiat Eskimo village sued twenty-four oil, coal, and electric utility companies, alleging that their emissions have contributed to global warming and thereby caused Arctic sea ice to diminish—is still pending on appeal in the Ninth Circuit. 

Even though the questions before the Supreme Court do not directly relate to the underlying climate change allegations, a decision to take the case still could have some impact on the future of climate change litigation. If there is a narrow ruling in AEP, it is possible that Comer could still proceed and address additional issues.  AEP will address the application of the political question doctrine, displacement of federal common law, and standing as it relates to the allegations of states, cities, and three private groups that six companies’ plants are creating a nuisance and thus their GHG emissions should be capped. Comer, by contrast,is not limited to nuisance. Comer relates to a multitude of sources whereas AEP focuses on a more limited set— this could impact the judicially manageable standards prong of the political question doctrine analysis. Comer has a set of private plaintiffs, potentially differentiating the standing analysis from AEP primarily involving states. Depending on the breadth of any Supreme Court ruling in AEP, a return trip to the Court might be necessary in other cases. If threshold issues are surmounted, AEP and Comer also present different causation scenarios. Comer has the most attenuated chain of events in support of causation of the three pending climate tort cases.